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A nightclub with an underground, yet exclusive feel. It is located inside what used to be a bank vault and designed with a Japanese themed. Very popular with younger foreigner, particularly international students (though minimum age is 21 for girls and 23 for guys). The entrance is 25$ during the week (with 1 drink) and 28$ during the weekend (with 2 drinks). Open from Wednesday to Saturday until 3/4am. The music is deep house, electro, tech-house and some minimal.
Boutique “bottle” nightclub with a house party concept. Same group as Bang Bang. Mostly for Singaporeans who prefer clubbing within their own. Open only on Friday and Saturday. Avoid if you are alone. The DJs play mostly clubbing anthems.
One of the newest nightclubs in Singapore, managed by the same group as Attica. It has a main room with hip hop and a smaller VIP room with EDM/open format. It is already quite popular, especially after it received the patronage of Selena Gomez. Their ladies night on Wednesday is very generous with free champagne, gifts and male gogo dancers. Open from Wednesday to Saturday until 6am (28$ entry with a drink).
A high-end bottle club located in a complex on Clarke Quay that targets Chinese clients. 30$ entry. Open on Wednesday, Friday and Saturday.
You have two jazz bars in the heritage neighborhood Kampung Glam (near Arab street):
– The SingJazz Club in Sultan Hotel (also called Sultan Jazz Club) is open every day. It is a bit pricey and there is an entrance fee between 15$ and 25$ on most nights. They often have foreign musicians. Jam sessions on Sundays.
– On 3 floors, Blu Jaz Cafe has live jazz music occasionally, but also other genres such as hip hop and old school.
For non-maintream rock and alternative bands, you can visit Mad Men (also a cool rooftop with great parties), Hive by Wala (a popular, cheap place with local bands, sometimes playing covers), Crazy Elephants (classic rock and roll) or any branches of Timbre.
Mando-pop and canto-pop have a public in Singapore. The most famous venue for that is the popular cabaret/piano bar Shanghai Dolly near Clarke Quay (inside a much larger nightlife complex). The small and less glitzy Switch by Timbre is another option.
There are quite many pubs and sports bars in Singapore targeting expat communities. I listed the most famous by nationalities:
Boomerang Bar and Bistro has two locations on Boat Quay and Robertson Quay. It is the place for watching Australian sports (AFL, Super Rugby, NRL) and/or eat kangaroo burgers. Nearby, Mogambo, Bungy and Hero’s also feature those sports quite often.
The largest and most famous American-style bar is Brewerkz on Clarke Quay, which also happens to have a micro-brewery. They have NFL, NHL, NBA, NCAA, Nascar, etc. Smokey’s BBQ is further away but it is known to open early morning during special events like the Superbowl.
Molly Malone’s: Singapore’s first Irish pub since 1995. It was built in Ireland and then transported to Circular Road.
The Victorian Pub Penny Black belongs to the same group as Muddy Murphy’s. It is also a sports bar where you can watch English Premier League of course, but also English Football League Championship (EFL), League One, League Two, FA Cup, Cricket, etc.
The most famous German pubs in Singapore are the 4 outlets from Brotzeit.
French don’t really go to pub, but the closest thing to one would be Parisian-style bistros like O’Batignolles (affordable wine and cheese) or Le Carillon de l’Angelus.
You should always buy a bottle at a duty free shop in the airport, and drink a few glasses from it before heading out.
These are the famous cheap bars in Singapore (I’m linking to their Facebook where you’ll see the updated promotions):
Thai discos are relatively new in Singapore. The concept is to have live performance (singing, modeling and dancing) by Asian girls (most often Thai, Chinese or Vietnamese, but sometimes Koreans, Hong Kongese or Taiwanese in the most upmarket ones). The customers can buy a flower garland to the girl he likes to show his interest. In the cheapest places, 20$ is enough to get the girl to sit with you while in other, you’ll need to pay over 200$ just to get an introduction. Once the girl agrees to accompany you, you can buy her some drinks and enjoy her company. Some girls may end up sleeping with a customer, but it is not that common.
About 8% of Singapore’s population is from Indian descent. Some of them choose to party in specific nightclubs with hindi-pop or bollywood music. Bollywood Lah is the latest and most recommended. You can also go to Magic Carpet or Rupee.
The second most popular location for Singapore expats looking for prostitutes are the Orchard Towers.
The most famous bar in Orchard Tower. It is a smaller version of Brix with only Asian girls and cheaper prices. Lots of hot Vietnamese freelance girls. Live music. There are always some tourists as well.
Indonesian girls, quite many lady boys.
Indonesian girls, nice podium in the middle with amateur dancers. Friendly.
Closes at 6am/7am, considered the after-hour nightclub of Singapore, many Eastern European girls.

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In addition, women may have to justify the refusal of a customer, and in some cases may not be able to refuse at all.18 Concurrently, women are often documented as prostitutes, an act that can result in future job loss and “blacklisting”, forced medical tests from hostile clinical staff, and harassment by police officers.19.
The costs of legalized prostitution such as rent to the brothel owner, medical examinations, and any registration fees are paid by the women involved in prostitution, thereby increasing the number of sexual encounters they must have in order to make a profit. Due in part to these costs, illegal prostitution has flourished in legalized areas as clients seek cheaper sex, and women determined to increase their income, or avoid psychological/drug tests, circumvent the legal system. In Germany, for example, there are three times as many non-registered women involved in prostitution as registered women. In Greece the ratio is more than 10 to 1.20.
Prostitution that did not place women in danger would require private medical coverage, unions to demand fair profit sharing, and some form of prostitute controlled security system to ensure complete discretion over customer selection. The cost of all three would have to be passed on to the taxpayer to remove the incentives for illegal prostitution. Even then, the demand for illegal prostitutes in the form of minors or kidnapped foreigners would continue to be strong, as male ‘buyers’ often have a desire for the ‘exotic’.
In short, the best imagined version of legalized prostitution has all of the current problems of international trafficking in addition to increased taxes, which most citizens would refuse to pay. Perhaps most damaging is the fact that doing so would provide state legal sanction and financial support to the objectification of women.
Governments instead should focus on a two-step strategy: increased penalties for the men involved in prostitution and increased economic development for women. To date, through not enforcing existing laws, or creating legislation, which target the consumers of sex services, governments allow this demand driven trade to grow. As in Sweden, there should be penalties, including imprisonment, for men who solicit prostitution. Concurrently, there must be much higher penalties for those who traffic in, and pimp, women and girls both internationally and domestically. In the United States, traffickers can face no more than a five thousand dollar fine or five-year prison term, while traffickers face one to two year sentences in Europe for trafficking, as opposed to the ten to fifteen given for smuggling narcotics.21.
Perhaps most importantly, effective policies must go to the root of the problem, creating economic alternatives for women. High levels of unemployment and poverty force many women to gamble with job and marriage offers in big cities, different regions, and foreign countries. Economically powerful countries must make a concerted effort to ensure that development and ‘expansion’ fund programs and funds are not designed, received, and implemented solely by men.22 Concurrently, all governments must focus on instituting training and micro-credit programs for women and girls, and developing social support services for girls and women involved in prostitution.
1. International Labor Organization, Sex Industry Assuming Massive Proportions in Southeast Asia, (Geneva: ILO, 1998), p. 2. & Prostitution Education Network, Prostitution in the US, The Statistics. <http://www.bayswan.org/stats.html>.
2 “Facts About Prostitution” sirius.com/
promise/facts.html. & International Labor Organization. & Paul Handley “Catch if catch can” Far eastern Economic Review, 13 February, 1992, p. 29.
3 Melissa Farley, et. al, “Prostitution in Five Countries” Feminism and Psychology, 8 (1998), p. 405-406. Sirius.org “Facts About Prostitution”: D. Leidholdt. Prostitution: A Violation of Women’s HumanRights. Cardozo Women’s Law Journal 1. 136. (1991); S.K. Hunter. “Prostitution is Cruelty and Abuse to Women and Children.” CPA Newsletter–Overview.
4. (1994); M. Silbert, “Sexual Assault of Prostitutes: Phase One” Final Report. National Center for the Prevention and Control of Rape. National Institute for Mental Health (1982).4 Farley, ibid, p. 406.
5 Mimi Silbert, Sexual Assault of Prostitutes, (California: Delancy Street Foundation, 1981), from Prostitution Education Network, ibid. & Katherine DePasquale, “The Effects of Prostitution”, Feminista Vol 1 #5 California: 1997.
6 Dr. Wendy Freed, &quot;Sexual exploitation in Cambodia&quot;, PHR/Record January 1997, http://www.twnside.org.sg/souths/twn/title/sexual-cn.htm & Katherine DePasquale, “The Effects of Prostitution”, Feminista Vol 1 #5 California: 1997. From sirius.com “Facts About Prostitution” M. Silbert and A.M. Pines. Occupational Hazards of Street Prostitutes.
8 Crim. Just. Behav. 195 (1981); J. James. Entrance into Prostitution. Washington, D.C: National Institute of Mental Health. 29. (1980); E. Giobbe. Juvenile Prostitution: Profile of Recruitment. in Child Trauma I: Issues & Research. New York: Garland Publishing. 117. (1992).

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Toward the end of my walk around Songtan with the Durebang outreach workers, I asked Valeria whether some of the women know what they’re getting into before they arrive.
“Nowadays, they know about the system,” Valeria said. “Most … they know what they’re doing.” But “they have to endure it. They could never earn this kind of money in the Philippines.”
Even so, while many women now seem to know the general nature of the work that usually comes with an entertainer visa, deceptive recruiting strategies, outright misrepresentation and employers violating contracts with impunity are the norm. A woman named Lori, who got an entertainer visa in the Philippines to go to South Korea in 2005, said that she was among those who did not know the true nature of “the system” before arriving. She “thought that we really have to sing because we sign a contract as a singer,” she said. Now, she feels stuck at the club, hating the sex work but unable to leave for financial reasons. “I talked with some girls and said, ‘I really can’t take it anymore. I don’t want to go, I don’t want to go with any guy,’” Lori recounted. “A girl told me, ‘As long as you think about your family, your child, or other people you love, you will take all the men, and you won’t think about yourself.’ I was thinking if I don’t have a debt to pay in the Philippines, I would go back in the Philippines and not stay here even for a second.”
A case from the U.S. Army’s operations in Bosnia illustrates the extreme end of the spectrum. In 1999, two employees of major military contractor DynCorp accused DynCorp of turning a blind eye while their employees colluded with the Serbian mafia and bought women as sex slaves. One 45-year-old man “owned a girl,” one of the whistleblowers said, “who couldn’t have been more than fourteen.”
The other whistle-blower discovered seven trafficked women in a club “huddled together on bare mattresses on the floor. Condoms strung over the garbage can, plastic bags of their street clothes and working clothes, just terrified. Beaten and terrified.”
Following instructions from the Army, DynCorp officials removed at least 18 of its employees from Bosnia, firing at least 12. Emails show that DynCorp officials knew the problem was even more widespread than these individual cases, but that they took little other action. Instead, one official commented that the swift firings had allowed DynCorp “to turn this into a marketing success.” Along with firing some of the worst perpetrators, DynCorp also fired the two whistle-blowers. (Both sued DynCorp for wrongful termination; their stories form the basis for the 2011 film The Whistleblower .)
Meanwhile, back in Bosnia, the Army’s Criminal Investigation Command referred the case to local police and closed its investigation without examining the trafficking allegations or speaking to any of the women involved. None of the accused were prosecuted, and no DynCorp official faced prosecution.
It’s easy to condemn male military personnel for taking advantage of often-exploitative sex industries in places like South Korea and the Balkans. But as a soldier who runs ROK Drop, a popular blog about the military in South Korea, points out, it’s wrong to blame the soldiers alone. The policies of United States Forces Korea “ensure this type of activity will continue around the U.S. camps.” It’s hypocritical, he says: Training programs are “telling soldiers to drink responsibly and stay away from juicy girls, but what environment do we create for the soldiers to spend most of their free time in? A ville [camptown] filled with cheap booze and prostitutes.”
The dearth of other recreational opportunities may be a factor. But at issue are also the broader American military culture, and the sexism and patriarchy found in the United States, Korea and much of the world. The behavior of men who take advantage of exploitative sex industries is often excused as a matter of “boys will be boys” — as merely natural behavior for male soldiers. In fact, there’s little about the behavior that’s natural. Men on military bases and women in camptowns find themselves in a highly unnatural situation, one that’s been created by a series of decisions made over time (mostly by male military and government officials). Those decisions have created a predominantly male military environment, where women’s visible presence is overwhelmingly reduced to one role: sex.
Ultimately, the effects of military prostitution are felt not just by women abroad whose bodies are used and too often abused, trafficked and exploited. They’re also felt by the family members, coworkers and others who are part of troops’ lives. Attitudes fostered by commercial sex zones carry over dangerously into GIs’ lives — both on base and at home. Institutionalized military prostitution trains men to believe that using the sexual services of women is part of what it means to be a soldier and, indeed, part of what it means to be a man. Given the ubiquitous nature of camptown prostitution in South Korea in particular, men deployed to the country frequently have their ideas about what it means to be a man transformed. Along with the sexually objectifying entertainment of USO shows (think the Dallas Cowboys cheerleaders), pervasive pornography in the services and training infused with sexist epithets, camptown prostitution helps produce a military culture of sexism, misogyny and the dehumanization of women.

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Ultimately, prostitution laws targeting buyers have complex effects on people far beyond those they are meant to target. In addition to this complicating factor, the Nordic countries also police prostitution using various other laws and by-laws. Some of these regulations do, in fact, assume that the women who sell sex are to be punished and blamed for prostitution. This goes to show that one should be careful in concluding that Nordic prostitution policies are guided by progressive feminist ideals, or that they necessarily seek to protect women involved in prostitution. The most telling example of this the way the Nordic countries treat migrants who sell sex.
In Sweden this is embodied by the Aliens Act, which forbids foreign women from selling sex in Sweden and is used by the police to apprehend non-Swedish or migrant persons suspected of selling sex. This reveals the limits of the rhetoric of female victimisation, with clients framed as perpetrators: if the seller is foreign, she is to blame, and can be punished with deportation.
In Norway, we see similar gaps between stated ideology, written policies, and practice. Even though it is completely legal to sell sex, women involved in prostitution are victims of increased police, neighbour and border controls which stigmatise them and make them more vulnerable. The increased control the Norwegian police exert on prostitution markets so as to identify clients includes document checks on women involved in prostitution so as to find irregulars among them. Raids performed in the name of rescue often end with vulnerable women who lack residence permits being deported from Norway.
Taken together, the Nordic countries’ ways of approaching prostitution have been presented nationally and understood internationally as expressions of a shared understanding of prostitution as a gender equality problem, an example of how women’s rights can be enshrined in anti-prostitution law. But after looking closely at how the laws have been proposed and implemented, we beg to differ.
One Former Prostitute in Cape Town, Two NGOs Battling Over How to Help Her.
How should society deal with prostitution? by Rosie Spinks.
The first time Asanda* had sex for money , there was little time to reflect on how she’d found herself in that situation. She was staying with a friend after being kicked out of her parents’ house, without a job or money. One evening, the friend said they were going to work in a restaurant. Unless she wanted to be on the street the next day, Asanda had little choice but to follow.
“I didn’t understand why she was polishing her face and putting on makeup to go work in a restaurant,” Asanda recalled.
Asanda was even more confused when they arrived at a pub and, instead of getting to work, the two of them began drinking alcohol. A while later, now drunk, they got into a car headed to a BP petrol station in Belleville, a Cape Town suburb. She noticed that girls were milling around the side of the road in short skirts, which she found odd. When they got out of the car, things became clear.
“I said to my friend, ‘What do you mean we are working here at the BP garage? They only hire men to work here,’” Asanda said. “My friend said ‘No, I’m selling myself here on the road.’”
At that moment, Asanda realized that she would be doing the same that night and she began to cry. She was 17 years old.
Asanda’s situation is the subject of frequent debate among feminists and gender rights activists. Did she simply make an economically rational decision in response to her bad circumstances? Or was she forced into a form of sexualized victimhood that seems all too common for women living under economic constraints? In other words, is prostitution a profession and Asanda a ‘sex worker’? Or is it a form of oppression, where Asanda is a ‘prostituted woman’?
This debate is further muddled by the fact that Asanda lives in South Africa, a country formerly and controversially referred to as the rape capital of the world. In certain provinces, more than three quarters of women report experiencing some form of sexual violence, including rape. With UN research showing a link between men who purchase sex and men who commit rape, South Africa is a prime example of a culture that’s unkind to both women and sex workers.
These semantics and statistics don’t concern Asanda much. She refers to the times she traded sex for money euphemistically as “going down to the road,” or more directly as “selling myself.” In any case, she is resolute in her decision to not do either anymore. Her story is less a depiction of what it means to be a prostitute today and more about how hard it is to avoid that life when there are few available alternatives.
“Saying that I stopped selling myself comes straight from my heart. I’m proud to say that,” Asanda said. “I feel like there’s still a future for me.”
Now 21, Asanda no longer sells sex . Tall and slim with an almost regal posture, she dresses like Rihanna and has aspirations of being a model. With her lithe build and ever-changing hairstyles, it’s not hard to imagine her strutting down a runway.

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