Fuck i say say tomato
#Window #BlackAndWhite #TeeAndPanties #FlatTummy #CoffeeCup
Toward the end of my walk around Songtan with the Durebang outreach workers, I asked Valeria whether some of the women know what they’re getting into before they arrive.
“Nowadays, they know about the system,” Valeria said. “Most … they know what they’re doing.” But “they have to endure it. They could never earn this kind of money in the Philippines.”
Even so, while many women now seem to know the general nature of the work that usually comes with an entertainer visa, deceptive recruiting strategies, outright misrepresentation and employers violating contracts with impunity are the norm. A woman named Lori, who got an entertainer visa in the Philippines to go to South Korea in 2005, said that she was among those who did not know the true nature of “the system” before arriving. She “thought that we really have to sing because we sign a contract as a singer,” she said. Now, she feels stuck at the club, hating the sex work but unable to leave for financial reasons. “I talked with some girls and said, ‘I really can’t take it anymore. I don’t want to go, I don’t want to go with any guy,’” Lori recounted. “A girl told me, ‘As long as you think about your family, your child, or other people you love, you will take all the men, and you won’t think about yourself.’ I was thinking if I don’t have a debt to pay in the Philippines, I would go back in the Philippines and not stay here even for a second.”
A case from the U.S. Army’s operations in Bosnia illustrates the extreme end of the spectrum. In 1999, two employees of major military contractor DynCorp accused DynCorp of turning a blind eye while their employees colluded with the Serbian mafia and bought women as sex slaves. One 45-year-old man “owned a girl,” one of the whistleblowers said, “who couldn’t have been more than fourteen.”
The other whistle-blower discovered seven trafficked women in a club “huddled together on bare mattresses on the floor. Condoms strung over the garbage can, plastic bags of their street clothes and working clothes, just terrified. Beaten and terrified.”
Following instructions from the Army, DynCorp officials removed at least 18 of its employees from Bosnia, firing at least 12. Emails show that DynCorp officials knew the problem was even more widespread than these individual cases, but that they took little other action. Instead, one official commented that the swift firings had allowed DynCorp “to turn this into a marketing success.” Along with firing some of the worst perpetrators, DynCorp also fired the two whistle-blowers. (Both sued DynCorp for wrongful termination; their stories form the basis for the 2011 film The Whistleblower .)
Meanwhile, back in Bosnia, the Army’s Criminal Investigation Command referred the case to local police and closed its investigation without examining the trafficking allegations or speaking to any of the women involved. None of the accused were prosecuted, and no DynCorp official faced prosecution.
It’s easy to condemn male military personnel for taking advantage of often-exploitative sex industries in places like South Korea and the Balkans. But as a soldier who runs ROK Drop, a popular blog about the military in South Korea, points out, it’s wrong to blame the soldiers alone. The policies of United States Forces Korea “ensure this type of activity will continue around the U.S. camps.” It’s hypocritical, he says: Training programs are “telling soldiers to drink responsibly and stay away from juicy girls, but what environment do we create for the soldiers to spend most of their free time in? A ville [camptown] filled with cheap booze and prostitutes.”
The dearth of other recreational opportunities may be a factor. But at issue are also the broader American military culture, and the sexism and patriarchy found in the United States, Korea and much of the world. The behavior of men who take advantage of exploitative sex industries is often excused as a matter of “boys will be boys” — as merely natural behavior for male soldiers. In fact, there’s little about the behavior that’s natural. Men on military bases and women in camptowns find themselves in a highly unnatural situation, one that’s been created by a series of decisions made over time (mostly by male military and government officials). Those decisions have created a predominantly male military environment, where women’s visible presence is overwhelmingly reduced to one role: sex.
Ultimately, the effects of military prostitution are felt not just by women abroad whose bodies are used and too often abused, trafficked and exploited. They’re also felt by the family members, coworkers and others who are part of troops’ lives. Attitudes fostered by commercial sex zones carry over dangerously into GIs’ lives — both on base and at home. Institutionalized military prostitution trains men to believe that using the sexual services of women is part of what it means to be a soldier and, indeed, part of what it means to be a man. Given the ubiquitous nature of camptown prostitution in South Korea in particular, men deployed to the country frequently have their ideas about what it means to be a man transformed. Along with the sexually objectifying entertainment of USO shows (think the Dallas Cowboys cheerleaders), pervasive pornography in the services and training infused with sexist epithets, camptown prostitution helps produce a military culture of sexism, misogyny and the dehumanization of women.
#sissy #femboy #trap #crossdresser #SissyForDaddy